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Édition de l'œuvre #200519
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This work surveys absolutive displacement in Basque, where usual prefix-coding of person is doubled or replaced by suffix-coding. The phenomenon is documented in grammars and descriptions from 18C on, sometimes as a systematic formation esp. in Nor-Nori, e.g. 20/21C Bizkaian askusu, atzuau «zatzaizkit, gatzaizkizu» &c, early 20C Gipuzkoan (zat)zaiguzu, zaizkizugu &c, 18C zarraizkiguzu, garraizkagu, often in isolated forms, e.g. Nor-Nori sakigusun, zaitzezuet, zitzeezu, Nor-Nork zenduzun, ginduzkiguzuten. Possible origins and development explored are verb-pronoun fusion and reanalysis to suffix zatzaigu-zu; analogical influence of Nor-Nori-Nork and especially of suffixal variants of ergative displacement, z(iñ)iguzun : zi(n)tzaigun → zi(n)tzaiguzun; and syncretisms, zaida-zu = dezaidazu. An effect of the agreement displacement on case is found in 18C Labourdin ni banintzaitzu : guk bagiñautzugu «gu bagintzaizkizu», and related to ergative repair of gustatzen *gatzaizkizu → dizugu in late 20C west-central varieties, as well as global case crosslinguistically.
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Absolutive displacement in Basque
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oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/Artxiker-hal05535983
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IKER
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